Notes on Mary Susan Barnett
Garrett (1849-1963 age 114?)
"Slavery In the Shadow of the Cradle of Emancipation"
By Gary Dean Gardner,
Independent Scholar
Mrs. Garrett with Carl Howell Sr. laying a wreath at Lincoln's statue Feb. 1959
“Aunt” Susan Garrett was never any man’s slave & never
claimed to be, though most white people of 20th century Hodgenville
assumed she had been, and forever linked her to an institution she herself was
never a part of. Susan was instead, as
few black women of antebellum Kentucky were, born free but, like all blacks who
lived through slavery and Jim Crow, she acquiesced and remained silent,
smiling. Susan accepted the mantle of an unrequested symbolic role, one that
served as a vestigial link to a time, an economy, and an inhumane attitude
toward life we can hardly fathom today.
Born but a scant few miles from the birthplace of the great
Emancipator, in the shadow of the “Cradle of Emancipation,” the mythic Lincoln,
his proclamation of freedom and ultimate Constitutional elimination of slavery
had no direct impact upon her, yet she’d be associated with these events for
much of her late adult life merely because of her race and longevity. She
became, as if an unwilling contestant in a pageant, “Miss Slavery” in the eyes
of her neighbors, and a nation.
By the middle of the 20th century, when a
Centennial of a great and bloody war and the Sesquicentennial of the birth of a
president were looming, few still lived who remembered the century before,
those events, and a time when Kentucky was graced with refinement, culture, and
sophistication, all at the expense of human bondage. Still, we sought a living reminder of those
times and people, and found a gracious representation in the form of Aunt Susan
Garrett.
Despite her celebrity status accompanied by a variety of
interviews beginning in the 1940s, little is truly known today of Susan’s
life. She, I think intentionally, left
few details of her origins, and many clues, seeming to understand her role and
the need to perpetuate an image of an almost “Gone with the Wind” stereotype in
those years still anticipating Civil Rights.
Some things she told us with clarity, but most facts of her early life
must be carefully gleaned and reconstructed.
Without doubt, Susan was the wife of James Robert Garrett
(1821/38/41-1904) whom she married 6 April 1873 in Green County, Kentucky (at
J. A. Garrett’s) at the age tender age of 15, still a child herself, and for
whom she bore thirteen children, commenting with a laugh that “the
children…came sorta like chickens.”
James & Susan had moved to LaRue County before 1900,
when they were enumerated in the Census for that year in District 1 West
Hodgenville. We find James born April
1841, a day laborer, and Susan born May 1855 with children John (Feb. 1886),
Ernest (June 1888), Lesley (Feb. 1891), Addie (March 1894), and Irvin (Oct.
1895). The entry for Ernest says he had
been employed for 6 years, indicating they’d been in LaRue County since
1894. By the time of the 1910 Census,
Susan is found widowed, working as a laundress and head of her own household
(#235) and the mother of 13 children that included still single children Irvin
and Lizzie as well as married daughter Mittie (Araminta?), now a Handley, with
her children Myrtle, Tina P. Ora, Marion, and Mary E. When the 1920 Census rolls around for LaRue
County, Susan is found residing in the home (Household #91) of her son Irvin
& his wife Jessie Harris (of Glendale) and their children Elizabeth and
Virgie M. as well as Irvin’s spinster sister Elizabeth. Little had changed in the immediate family’s
composition by 1930 except for the addition of Irvin & Jessie’s sons Irvin
K. & Paul A.
Susan never lived far from the land, from birth on her
grandfather’s farm to married life in Summersville, Tonnieville or Hodgenville,
Susan Garrett remained at heart a country girl.
She quipped once, "I worked on a farm. I never was a house worker. Oh, I might wash a dish or two or a window,
but I never did like to piddle around the house. I'm a farm worker, always farmed. Farm just
like a man. The only thing I couldn't do was plow, and that's because I
couldn't tell gee from haw. On nice days I go fishing in the pond near
here. Only can catch little old things
there, though. I wanted to fishing
license, but they said I was too old."
Surely it was instilled in Susan from girlhood that land held special
meaning, especially to an African-American.
If anything represented bounty, nurture, and yes, freedom, it had to be
land. And while Susan herself was never
held in bondage to master and his land, her mother and all her ancestors in
America certainly had been. (The Courier-Journal, Louisville, KY 16
April 1949)
Mary Susan as well appreciated the fruits of the land in
their most simplistic sustenance. Speaking
about her diet and food preferences, Susan surely held on to the culinary
traditions of the South’s African-American community when she was quoted by the
same interviewer in saying, “I like corn bread, sweet potatoes, and gravy. I don’t like no dressed-up cakes and
pies. I like rough eatin’. I’ll be happy with anything people want to
bring me even if it’s an old biscuit!”
Surely Susan knew the identity of her slave-born parents,
but their story was less important to remember & pass on than the basic
lessons of survival in the Jim Crow South of the late 19th and early
20th centuries. Her mother,
the identify of which still remains elusive, and her maternal
grandfather, were per Susan herself the former slaves of one Andy Barnett. Susan explained that, “Grandpappy and Mama
worked for Andy Barnett and he freed half of his slaves before the war and his
wife freed the rest later. He gave them
each some money, two acres of land, a hoe and a plow and a horse. It was theirs to keep, too.”
Susan’s lineage is provided a couple of theories by the 1850
& 1860 Green County, Kentucky Federal Census listings. In one intriguing family unit we find a man who might be Susan's grandfather shown as head of household of an extended family of “free people of color.” While we don’t have the exact date, Robert
Barnett, if Aunt Susan’s grandfather, was born about 1797, and was certainly freed,
as Susan said, prior to 1850, along with her mother. That year he was enumerated as head of family
#73. Robert was listed as a laborer married to Elizabeth (born ca. 1820) with the
following children:
1)
“Mint”
aka Araminta (1834)*,
2)
Charles
(1835),
3)
Mary
(1841),
4)
DeCalb
(1843),
5)
Robert
(1844),
6)
Joshua
(1846),
7)
Edward
(1848),
8)
Frances
(1850), &
9)
John
(1839)** (Whether or not John is even related to Robert Barnett, we cannot say,
but seemingly is not a son. All in the home were listed as “black.”)
Interestingly, household #243 as well consisted of free
persons of color, they being brothers Robert & George Barnett, blacksmiths
aged 25 & 22. Other free blacks,
clearly either collateral family members, or all simply former slaves of the Andy
Barnett family, included household #78 with Green Barnett, a laborer born ca.
1824 with Nancy, perhaps his mother, born about 1785.
In 1860, more of the first theory Aunt Susan’s story is unfolded. We now find her potential grandfather Robert as a farmer
with $150 in land and another $150 in personal property, just as Susan had told
in her oral history of her mother’s and grandfather’s manumission. It would appear that his wife Elizabeth (Susan’s grandmother?) had died and Robert has remarried, for he is now listed
with Hannah, born about 1820.
Also in the household were:
1)
Jenney (1830),
2)
Araminta
(1836)*,
3)
Sarah J.
(1837),
4)
William
(1844),
5)
Elizabeth
(1846),
6)
Sarah
(1850),
7)
Lewis
(1852),
8)
Mary Jane
(1853),
9)
Andy
(1855),
10)
Susan
(1856),
11)
Ben T.
(1858),
12)
Thomas G.
(1858),
13)
and John
(1839)**.
The
composition of this large household in 1860 warrants study. Racial designations and ages imply that some
of Robert’s relations, including one grandchild, are now mixed-race, they being
“mulattos” Sarah Jane (born ca. 1837) and Thomas G. (born ca. 1858). Previously, in 1850, all household members
were designated as being “black.” As
well, some individuals who were clearly the children of Robert & Elizabeth
in 1850 have left home, but others of the same generation have appeared during
the 10-year span. Only two people, other
than Robert himself, remain, Arminta* and John**.
It is difficult to say with surety just who Susan’s mother
was. Her own son Leslie, at the time of
Susan’s death, had no knowledge of either of his mother’s parents’ names. Assuming that her mother was found in this particular Barnett household for both 1850 & 1860, a logical expectation even for this
unusual family of free blacks that was anything but ordinary or static, is Susan’s mother might have been Araminta Barnett.
And, though free and allowed to marry, it is plausible that John Barnett
was an unrelated free black, also taking the surname of his former master, who
fathered Susan and stayed in the home to assist his common-law wife, daughter,
and father-in-law. From Aunt Susan’s
narrative, her father enlisted with the United States Colored Troops and was
killed in action, fighting for the freedom of other African-Americans in
Kentucky. Miss “Mint” Barnett, by 1880,
was a single housekeeper for household #120, born about 1835. No further record of her life, or death, have
surfaced. (Commonwealth of Kentucky
Department of Health Division of Vital Statistics Certificate of Death
#63-22265, File 116, 1st Sept 1963; Federal Census, Green County, KY
1850, 1860 & 1880)
As well, and more likely, Susan's lineage may have an altogether different source. For 1850, two black female infants are found in the Federal Census for Green County. One is listed with her mother, Lucinda Barnett, and the other with her father, Prince Barnett. Oddly, however, by 1860 no 10-year-old girl by the name of Susan Barnett is to be found with either household. The only Susan enumerated is in the Robert Barnett household, aged 4, not 10. This creates a dilemma for the historian. Were there actually even three African-American girls of close age named Susan Barnett in Green County from 1850-1860?
As well, and more likely, Susan's lineage may have an altogether different source. For 1850, two black female infants are found in the Federal Census for Green County. One is listed with her mother, Lucinda Barnett, and the other with her father, Prince Barnett. Oddly, however, by 1860 no 10-year-old girl by the name of Susan Barnett is to be found with either household. The only Susan enumerated is in the Robert Barnett household, aged 4, not 10. This creates a dilemma for the historian. Were there actually even three African-American girls of close age named Susan Barnett in Green County from 1850-1860?
And who exactly was Andy Barnett, the former slave master of
this fascinating collective of free blacks by that same name? This becomes confusing, for there were two
men of prominence from 19th century Green County who bore this
name. It appears two Revolutionary
veterans, brothers William and Andrew Barnett, settled in Green County,
Kentucky, the first from whom descended the well-known attorney & 5th
District’s Commonwealth’s Attorney, Judge Andy Barnett (1828-1910), and the
other, Judge Barnett’s great uncle, was Robert and Araminta Barnett’s former
master.
Andrew Barnett, per his own deposition for Revolutionary War
pension, was born in 1761 in South Carolina, and was “called into service of
the United States during the American Revolution in the district of Camden,
State of South Carolina in the Waxhaw Settlement” and since the end of the
American Revolution “resided in the State of Kentucky where he now resides in
the County of Green.” Barnett went on to
clarify that “according to his father's family register, kept in a family Bible,
he was born on the 23rd day of November in the year 1761 in the State of South
Carolina -- that he had no record of his age, except the record which he had
made from his father's family register.”
Barnett then testified that he “was acquainted with many other officers
of the regular Army, who were in service, when and where (he) served to it,
General Smallwood, General Marion, General Sumter, General Greene, the colonels
he had heretofore stated; he was stationed with regular troops at Camden &
New Providence.” “I am known,” said
Barnett, “to many persons in this County & in my neighborhood where I now
live, who can testify as to my veracity and general character for truth, and their
belief of my services as a soldier of the Revolution… I omitted to state in my
former declaration that I marched from New Providence in North Carolina under
General Morgan to the taking of Rugeley's Mills in South Carolina and assisted
in that service.” Pension records go on
to tell us that Andrew Barnett served his country as a Private, and was
allocated a monthly stipend of $40. The final governmental entry for Barnett
states that he “Died 28th Feby. 1847.” (21 JAN 1833 Pension
Application of Andrew Barnett S1165; Southern Campaign American Revolution
Pension Statements & Rosters: Green County, KY; US Revolutionary War
Pension Payment Ledgers, Kentucky, p. 226)
Early on after arriving in Kentucky, Barnett aligned himself
with some of the most influential families of central Kentucky through his 21
Feb 1801 marriage to Mary “Polly” Hardin in Springfield, Washington County,
KY. Mary was the daughter of Ben &
Sarah Hardin of Springfield, and a sister to the younger Ben Hardin, famed
attorney, Congressman, and Kentucky Secretary of State. Through Polly, Barnett also became the uncle
to Kentucky Governor John LaRue Helm, and as well gained two Caldwell nieces,
allying him with another powerful and early Bluegrass family with whom he’d do
business. Barnett as well gained a familial link to the Wickliffe family,
including Governor Wickliffe, via Polly’s aunts, creating a vast genealogical web
at the center of which was the Kentucky slave trade. And once again corroborating the oral history
of Aunt Susan Garrett, Mary Hardin Burnett died in 1848, one year after
Andrew’s demise, freeing any remaining slaves left to her as her dower.
Andrew Barnett became a friend, as well as brother-in-law,
to Ben Hardin, with whom he shared a passion for Thoroughbred horse
racing. Hardin’s biography contains the
following sketch of the two men, “Mr. Hardin's brother-in-law, Andrew Barnett,
resided in Green county. Barnett had been a soldier in the Revolutionary war,
and was a man of considerable estate. He was childless, and this, perhaps,
influenced his partiality for the youthful Benjamin. At any rate, the latter
spent a considerable part of his leisure in youth with his kinsman, and there
had an experience somewhat rare for those days. Barnett was a pioneer in the
sport of horseracing. He kept a stable of fast horses and ran them when
occasion offered. Hardin accompanied him and assisted in this business, for
which he developed a keen taste. He at the same time learned, as a sort of
concomitant, the art and mystery of “old sledge." (Old Sledge is also
known as All Fours or 7 Up, an English tavern card game popular for gambling in
the 19th century.) So expert in this did he become that his
brother-in-law freely staked his money on his playing. Mr. Hardin bet but
little himself, although exceedingly skillful and successful. In after life he
claimed credit for resisting a temptation. In September 1839, when he rode on
horseback from his home at Bardstown to Louisville to witness the celebrated
race between Grey Eagle and Waggoner, few realized how much the passion of his
youth was aroused when, on that occasion, he declined an invitation of Charles
M. Thruston to the grand stand, and was criticized for it. It was little
imagined how much he felt at home among the jockeys, trainers, and groundlings,
with whom he preferred to consort.” While Barnett’s name is seldom remembered,
he can be considered amongst the founders of the Thoroughbred race industry as
we know it today, having been one of the first incorporators of the “Kentucky
Association. “The present noted Kentucky
Association was organized at Mrs. Keene’s Inn, Lexington, 29 July 1826 by about
fifty of the prominent turf men of central Kentucky…The object of the
association to use the words of the original agreement, was “to improve the
breed of horses by encouraging the sports of the turf.” The first racing meeting held under the arrangement
commenced 19 October 1826, on the old Williams’ track, which was on what is now
known as the Lee property, near the Lexington Cemetery. The first race was for a purse of $300; four
started; was won by Andrew Barnett’s Diomed
gelding, Sheriffe, in two straight heats.”
(Little, Lucius P., Ben Hardin: His
Times and Contemporaries; 1784-1852. 1887; Ranck, George W., History of
Lexington, KY: Its Early Annals &
Recent Progress)
Never a large land owner, his meager plantation of 81 acres
near Summersville was supported by some 62 slaves, 40 of them working the land,
making him one of the larger slave masters in south central Kentucky at this
time. The limited acreage coupled with such a large holding of slaves seems
curious in Green County whose greater economic prosperity had been hampered by
the financial “Panic of 1819” from which the bucolic, agrarian county never
quite recovered. In fact, as Kentucky
became more involved in the regional Southern slave trade, the institution of
slavery was seeing an overall stabilization or even a decrease overall in south
central Kentucky throughout the later antebellum years. Rural isolation from major Kentucky markets
and shifts in economic dominance to Lexington, Louisville & Bowling Green,
coupled with those lingering effects of the Panic, caused Green County’s
plantation-based economy to begin to shrink by mid-century*. Green County in 1850 had 2,609 slaves owned
by 420 masters and a sizeable community, thanks to the Barnett’s testate generosity, of 98 free persons
of color. By ,1860 the slave population had slightly decreased to 2,369 persons
in bondage to 361 masters, matched by a free black count rising to 112.
Slave shackles from Kentucky, John Winston Coleman collection, University of Kentucky
As it turns out, despite his seemingly “backwoods” location**,
Barnett was a rather successful intrastate slave trader and breeder, as well as
a reputable interstate dealer for the lower Mississippi Valley slave market,
primarily selling slaves in New Orleans.
His prosperous career was due in part to the established commercial roads
to Nashville and his local Green River link to the Mississippi in addition to
social and family ties to business, banking, politics, and the burgeoning
industry of slavery within the inner Bluegrass region.
Slaves en route to the Deep South markets, a scene common along the Lincoln "Boyhood Home" farm at Knob Creek in LaRue County, Kentucky
Run-aways were a
problematic but common occurrence for the Upper South dealers in slave labor to
the Deep South. Those escaping the pens
of Andy Barnett would have made their way north directly through LaRue County &
Hodgenville, passing right by the “Sinking Spring Farm” birthplace of a future
President. One notice by Barnett, run in
the Louisville papers, read, “$100 REWARD.
On the 14th September last, a negro man named Frank ran away
from me. He is a black negro, weights
about 147 pounds, and reads very well; is about five feet five or six inches
high, has a scar above his left eyebrow, and several wrinkles in his
forehead. His transgressions impelled
me, some years since to take him to New Orleans and sell him, where he became
the property of a Spaniard, who branded him on each cheek, thus (illustrated
with a “B” lying on its side) which is plain to be seen when said negro is
newly shaved. I went to New Orleans
again last May, where, having my feelings excited by the tale Frank told me, I
purchased him again. One hundred dollars
reward will be paid by the jailer for the delivery of said negro in the jail at
Louisville, Kentucky; or, if the person who may apprehend and deliver him in
Louisville should prefer it, he shall be sold at public sale, and the money
received be equally divided between the person who may deliver him an
myself. Frank is about thirty years of
age, and probably aimed to get on board a steamboat, as he endeavored to do so
about the first of October Last. N.
B. Any information of said negro will be
thankfully received. Address, A.
Burnett, Greensburg, Ky. ANDREW BARNETT." (US Census 1840 Green County, KY; Kentucky African American Heritage Commission
Study, escape slave notices in Louisville, KY newspapers, 1801-1861, Bogert, Pen.;
Brown, Stephen A., “A conversation with
Abraham Lincoln”, Kentucky
Humanities Fall 2013)
Andy Barnett purchased and sold many enslaved men, women
& children during his tenure in Kentucky, making deals with many other
prominent slave traders of the state, including William Herndon, whose nephew
& namesake would become Abraham Lincoln’s law partner. Yet we have no record of intentional cruelty
toward them beyond their plight as chattel in the eyes of the law and society
in Kentucky, the South, and the United States as a whole. In fact, if the
previously cited runaway advertisement offers any hint, Barnett retained a vast
degree of compassion for the plight of the lives he bought & sold. Despite the growth of trade between Kentucky
and New Orleans in human flesh since the War of 1812, Barnett reminds us that
Kentucky could be rather sympathetic at times, more so than other Southern
states, in recognizing a degree of humanity regarding the “peculiar
institution.” One case in particular
that found justice for the enslaved involved Andy Barnett and business
associate and fellow Rev. War veteran William Caldwell. The appellant court of Kentucky heard in 1857
the case of Martin etc., v. Letty, etc.
(of color) in which the slave Letty and her daughter Paulina had been sold
by William & James Caldwell (father & son) to Andy Barnett. When Barnett died in 1847, his will freed all
his slaves “without specifying any previous agreement between him and Caldwell,
nor did it specifically make mention of Letty or any of her children. Based on this ambiguity and probably their
association of Barnett and his wife as their master and mistress for 28 years,
when the will was administered Letty and her family assumed they, lake Barnett’s
other slaves, were free. This seemed to
be important as Letty and her kin began to act themselves as freepersons would
and remained in Green County, Kentucky.”
In the years that had passed since the sale to Barnett, Letty’s
immediate family grew to 16 children & grandchildren living on the Barnett
plantation in Summersville. James
Caldwell had died soon after the sale of Letty and her daughter, but when his
minor daughters grew of age, they petitioned the Courts for ownership of this
family of 17, claiming that Andy Barnett had never purchased the two women, but
rather was keeping them in trust for Lucinda and Sarah Jane Caldwell. The Appellant Court of Kentucky upheld the
manumission of Letty and her progeny. (Warren, Louis A., The Slavery Atmosphere
of Lincoln’s Youth. 1933; Martin, etc. v. Letty (of color), 18 B. Mon. 573,
Winter Term 1857.; Barber, Marlin Christopher, CITIZENS UNDER THE LAW: AFRICAN AMERICANS CONFRONT THE JUSTICE SYSTEM
IN KENTUCKY, MISSOURI, AND TEXAS, 1790-1877, A Dissertation presented to the
Faculty of the Graduate School University of Missouri, December 2011)
We are not sure if Letty took the surname of Caldwell or
Barnett, but she became a Barnett at least by marriage, being wed (perhaps
common law) to former Andy Barnett slave Edmond (b. 1810) per the 1850 Green
County Census. It lists Letty as age 50,
born then ca. 1800, with children Julia (18), Harriet (16), Sarah (11), and
Emily (3). Paulina as well took as a
spouse a slave freed by Andy Barnett who had taken the Barnett surname. Paulina (b. 1820) is found in the same 1850
Green County Census in household #92 headed by her (common law?) husband Prince
Barnett (b. 1810) and children Frederick (18), Radd (14), Amanda (12), Lucy
(7), Daniel (5), November (4), and Susan (10/12). Like Robert Barnett, by 1860 Prince had been
deeded land worth $150 and given money/personal property of an equal
value. Paulina apparently died sometime
in the decade preceding the 1860 Census.
Was Paulina the mother of Aunt Susan? Per the 1850 Census, there is that indication, implying that Prince Barnett is her father. But what about the other Susan's, the one born at virtually the same time and residing with Lucinda, and then the slightly younger girl in the home of Robert in 1860? Very likely the 1850 listings for Susan were duplicated in error due to household shifts and there was in reality only one Susan Barnett to be counted, but this leaves the question of her mother's identity unanswered. There is certainly no daughter Susan in Prince's household in 1860, and there is no Lucinda to be found that year at all. It would appear, despite the problematic given ages, that the Susan Barnett found listed by the Census as 4-years-old in 1860 is the same girl not yet quite 1 year old in 1850 found in dual households of the same family. Sadly, none of these theories answer the question of Aunt Susan's exact parentage.
Was Paulina the mother of Aunt Susan? Per the 1850 Census, there is that indication, implying that Prince Barnett is her father. But what about the other Susan's, the one born at virtually the same time and residing with Lucinda, and then the slightly younger girl in the home of Robert in 1860? Very likely the 1850 listings for Susan were duplicated in error due to household shifts and there was in reality only one Susan Barnett to be counted, but this leaves the question of her mother's identity unanswered. There is certainly no daughter Susan in Prince's household in 1860, and there is no Lucinda to be found that year at all. It would appear, despite the problematic given ages, that the Susan Barnett found listed by the Census as 4-years-old in 1860 is the same girl not yet quite 1 year old in 1850 found in dual households of the same family. Sadly, none of these theories answer the question of Aunt Susan's exact parentage.
If Aunt Susan knew, or remembered, Letty, Pauline, Prince,
or any of the other freed slaves of Andy Barnett, she remained silent about, as
she did many facts about her people, and herself. Then again, we must ponder whether she was
ever completely free to say in a Jim Crow society just what she personally
thought or remembered about a predominately white history. No, “Aunt” Susan knew her place, and knew
better than to say too much that might alter preconceived notions about the
past. Labeled a slave, she became for
the white world a slave freed by Lincoln, denouncing, and denying to even her
own children and grandchildren a legacy by far richer and more profound. Her only remark on the matter spoke volumes,
though. “How do they know? They weren’t around when I was born.” And they weren’t. No one was.
“Auntie”, “Mammy”, “Prissy”, whatever the world chose to see in her,
they failed to see the spirit of freedom that was a gift not from Lincoln, but
from a legacy of slavery that passed her by, only to become the fiction written
around a spritely old lady who sought no attention yet received it in
abundance, and in the process made the best of a strange situation and found
honor in it.
**Summersville, along with the county seat of Greensburg,
were the only planned, platted town in Green County. John Emerson laid out a plan for the village
on 75 acres he set aside in 1816. Per
the National Register Historic Places Inventory-Nomination Form entered 24
August 1984 for the Green County Multiple Resource Area, “While Greensburg was
laid out in 180 lots, Summersville, the only other formal plan, had 140 lots
laid in the same grid fashion of Greensburg. Recorded in 1816, the Summersville
town plan shows the similar one-half acre lot size laid regularly along streets
and alleys, and the identical one-acre public square. Although lots were sold,
Summersville never assumed its designed arrangement leaving Greensburg as the
county's only planned community.” (see also Rennick, Robert M., Kentucky Place
Names.)
*Basic Slave
Population Statistics for Green and Her Surrounding Counties in 1850 & 1860
Green Co. slaves 1850
|
LaRue Co. slaves 1850
|
Taylor Co. slaves 1850
|
Adair Co. slaves 1850
|
Metcalf Co. slaves 1850
|
Hart Co. slaves 1850
|
2,609
|
665
|
1,620
|
2,125
|
1,300
|
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
430
|
186
|
303
|
486
|
333
|
|
Green Co. slaves 1860
|
LaRue Co. slaves 1860
|
Taylor Co. slaves 1860
|
Adair Co. slaves 1860
|
Metcalf Co. slaves 1860
|
Hart Co. slaves 1860
|
2,369
|
901
|
1,593
|
1,602
|
782
|
1,397
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
Slave owners
|
361
|
221
|
287
|
341
|
181
|
339
|
Decrease 9%
|
Increase 35%
|
Decrease 2%
|
Decrease 25%
|
Increase 7%
|
